Saturday, September 21, 2024

Maryknoll College Seminary, Glen Ellyn, Illinois, Class of 1969: What Happened?

September 1965 we arrived, about 100 of us, ambitioning to give our lives in service of God and the suffering around the world as celibate, Catholic, Maryknoll, missionary priests.  Because of the distinctive timing (1965-9), ours was to be an entirely unique itinerary, even as we were a lucid microcosm of the broader, especially American Church. Last week we enjoyed our 55 year anniversary reunion, or even "renewal," of our lifelong friendship and the values we share. We have gathered every five years over the decades. We are not aware of any other class, before or after, doing this. This is due to the unrepeatable coalescence of time, place and our congenial but disparate personalities.

From all over the country, we were a rich diversity of personalities, but quite homogeneous: 18 years old, white, male, working-middle class, mostly liberal politically, pious in a low key, self confident (notwithstanding standard adolescent insecurities) and surging with youthful altruism, idealism, curiosity, and adventure. We enjoyed a naive (to be short-lived) confidence in the messianic role of both the Catholic Church and the USA, not only in countervailing Soviet Communism, but also in lifting up the undeveloped world. We were iconic products of post-war, (1945-65) American Catholic Camelot. 

We had been screened by Maryknoll for emotional stability, capacity for college academics, Catholic piety, potential for leadership and wholesome family backgrounds. Basically however, we were a self-chosen group. What we surely shared more than anything else was a deep, powerful impulse of generosity to help those who suffer. We were the pampered, privileged boomer generation; but we were grateful for our blessings and eager to share with the less fortunate.

Time: 1965-9

1965 was the culmination, the terminus, the pinnacle of the post-war American Catholic Camelot. Vatican II was just ending. The Church was exploding: large families, tons of vocations, new parishes, schools, colleges, seminaries, convents and rectories. A surge of missionary activity, especially to Latin America. Maryknoll was ordaining close to 50 men a year. Cultural icons, even beyond Catholicism, were the Kennedy family, Fulton Sheen, Thomas Merton, Doctor Tom Dooley and others. Civil rights movement was fiercely championed by the Church along with all elite institutions. The previous two decades had been an unprecedented love affair between the USA and Catholicism. But the honeymoon was to end very shortly...and harshly.

The progressive narrative is that the Council marked the end of the Tridentine Church and the beginning of a new Vatican II Church. But it is better understood as the culmination, the final product of powerful trends that were building for the entire 20th century but especially since the war: ecumenism, liturgy, scripture studies, social justice, role of the laity, religious freedom and Church/state relationships, dialogue with modernity, and a return to the sources. The documents of the Council were all approved by overwhelming majorities, in the high 90%s. In our country, (as I recall), there was widespread euphoria and only marginal resistance because it expressed values we had already been living for at least two decades. Even as the Council was being implemented, however, by some historic (or demonic?) irony, the Cultural, Progressive Revolution was exploding across the culture, deconstructing the post-war Catholicism which produced us. We deeply inhaled the toxins from our now-open seminary.

The Place: Maryknoll College Seminary, Glen Ellyn, Illinois, 1965-69

When we entered the college seminary in 1965, it was intact, vigorous, coherent. Several hundred of us lived a quasi-monastic, wholesome rule of life centered around study, prayer, liturgy, strong friendships, and modest amounts of manual labor and athletic recreation. I fondly recall, for example, the custom of 2 or 3 seminarians and priests, walking around our large building in the recreation time between dinner and night prayers (6:30-7:15) and praying together the rosary. It was a virile, wholesome, serene and challenging life. It was to fall apart, with much of the American Church, in the next four years. It was a different entity when we graduated in 1969. Some of us had lost our Catholic faith, others had given up daily prayer, some had girl friends, others worked in a local bar, many had embraced the New Left or the new religion of psychology. By 1971 it was closed. 

Our faculty and formators were mostly middle aged Maryknollers, the Silent Generation,  men who had chosen the missionary life but were sent, because of their academic intelligence, to graduate schools to educate us younger men. Not first class scholars, they were competent in their fields; intelligent; sound emotionally; of good character; and generally men of faith, in accord with the time that formed them. Perhaps as many as half left the priesthood in the following years. 

One would imagine that good, middle aged men without children of their own would take a paternal interest in the young adults entrusted to them. Sadly, this did not happen. A "class structure" existed that erected an invisible wall between priests and seminarians. They taught us in the classroom and lived with us as prefects in our units, but on the whole there was little intimacy between us. It was like a residential prep school: on our part there was respect and affection, but from a distance. There were exceptions: some classmates fondly recall confessors and spiritual directors; an infirm priest elicited intense affection from those assigned to care for him; I myself was mentored by a lay, librarian autodidact. 

Our faculty was entirely embracive of the Vatican Council, but was not consciously critical of the Cultural Revolution exploding at that very moment. Rather, since many left the priesthood in the following years, it is clear many were influenced by it, uncritically. I don't recall any priest clearly identifying and renouncing it. I recall for example, a respected theologian delivering a significant lecture, towards the end of our time there, about the rapidity of culture change and that society increasingly needs to look to the young, rather than the old (experienced, learned, grounded in tradition) for wisdom. That thesis is surely at the heart of the Progressive Revolt: disparagement of tradition, authority, and the past. Arguably the biggest influence on our class was noted priest-psychologist Eugene Kennedy (my personal nemesis!) who left the priesthood and was widely received as a guru of Catholic progressivism.

With our faculty largely disengaged from ourselves and social developments, we as a class were left (especially in the last two tumultuous years of 1968-9) to form each other, in the currents sweeping around us. My personal recall of those years was a low-grade, constant, ecstatic frenzy of reading, thinking, discussing, arguing. To be sure, not all of our class were so vulnerable to this intellectual virus; perhaps half or more continued tranquilly, immune to this contagion. Specifically, many of us returned as seniors after the summer of 1968 (arguably the explosion point of the Revolution) from experiences that had "blown our minds" (a favored phrase at the time): a group stayed in a black inner city parish, I myself studied Spanish at the Ivan Illich radical think tank in Cuernavaca, Mexico, and such. All institutions, but especially those of the Church, were critically scrutinized and questioned. Sacred authority, as in our Catholic tradition, was forgotten; an Alinsky-like, soft Marxist paradigm of authority as power, of the oppressor over the oppressed, became evident everywhere, including the Catholic hierarchy. Our senior year became an intense workshop in political/cultural radicalism.

Weakness of the Catholic Camelot

Looking back, it is evident that the confident, expansive, fecund Catholicism of our childhood had underlying weaknesses, superficial roots. How else could it have collapsed so catastrophically within a few years in the 60-70s?

The primary problem was lack of an evangelical/mystical foundation: the failure to hear and engage the Gospel event-person of Jesus Christ, God-and-man, our personal/communal Lord and Savior. The entire Catholic elaboration (morals, dogmas, liturgy) springs from the personal encounter with the crucified-risen-ascended-Spirit-sending Jesus Christ. Without that spiritual basis, Catholicism is an incoherence, a house of cards. And so, our cohort (along with the entire Church) had been moralized, sacramentalized, and dogmatized but NOT evangelized. We had not come to know deeply, personally, intimately the Divine Person of Jesus in relationship with the Father and the Spirit. And so, in large part, this Camelot Catholicism collapsed, almost immediately, like a house of cards, under the demonic assault of the Cultural Revolution and sexual/political progressivism.

Closely related to this spiritual problem was an intellectual one: our American Church was not deeply, clearly rooted in a philosophical, dogmatic (in the best sense) understanding of our faith. Intellectually, we were largely defenseless against the assault that came. Our immigrant, American character was largely pragmatic and activist but weak in contemplation and metaphysical reflection. This is true of our entire society; and so of our Church; and specifically of the the Maryknoll missioner bringing American-know-how (credit unions, agriculture, education, etc.) to the deprived around the globe.  

We, Wannabe Catholic Evangelizers, are Evangelized

The irony: we were being formed to spread our faith; in the process we (largely) lost our faith and accepted a new one. Our faith formation had been childish and shallow, without deep roots or a solid foundation. Our faculty was distant from us and largely clueless about the tsunami of change around us; they were not forming us in the Catholic faith. We were forming ourselves, in the currents of anti-Catholic progressivism. 

Those years were intellectually stimulating; but spiritually they were a dessert. I cannot recall any inspiring homily or lecture; nor going to confession; nor a life-changing retreat or conference. Spiritual direction (as I recall) was a priest doing an exercise in Rogerian listening, when I had nothing really to say! There was a stability, but a monotony to our liturgical life. Fervor for the Gospel...passionate love for Jesus Christ...the fire of the Holy Spirit...were not evident.

The vacuum was filled by the twin fascinations of progressivism:  the political and the therapeutic.

What is Cultural Progressivism?

A perfect storm of diabolic currents...all anti-Catholic...that had been simmering for decades but exploded volcanically around 1968:

- A secularism, very materialistic, that ignored the supernatural and relocated the spiritual in the political and the therapeutic. Thus, an incomprehension of: the male-celibate priesthood, chastity, virginity, the demonic, divine wrath, spiritual warfare, the miraculous, cloistered monastic life, relics, final judgement, sacramental efficacy, papal infallibility, the inherent sanctity of hierarchy/dogma/patriarchy...and the entire architecture of Catholicism...all radiating from the Splendor of Christ.  It is tyranny of the activist/pragmatic/efficient over the contemplative/ mystical/sacred.

- The contraceptive sterilization of sexuality and and its displacement from enclosure in the spousal as unitive, fecund, faithful, chaste, sacrificial.

- Tolerance of abortion as back-up contraception and the desecration of human life that is incompetent.

- A Darwinian trust in the inevitable triumph of science/reason over the ignorance and superstition of the religious past. Thus, a disparagement of tradition, revelation, authority.

- Prominence of the Marxist model of oppressor/oppressed throughout history and society: male/female, black/white, capitalist/worker, straight/gay, colonizer/colonized, etc. With this an allegiance to political leftism in a messianic key and exaggeration of policy and government as efficacious and salvific. 

- Triumph of the therapeutic over the spiritual disciplines of prayer, confession of sin, penance, and communal liturgy. Personal, private health and thriving replaced older ideals of the heroic and the holy.

- The absolute sovereignty of the individual, isolated, "choosing" Self, dislocated from history, family, tradition, the Mystical Body and the Trinity. 

The seductive appeal of progressivism for elite Catholicism, including our cohort, is that it is itself a Christian heresy. It is not a bold, lucid rejection of our faith like Nazi neo-paganism. Like all heresies, it inflates key elements of our faith, detaching them from the Catholic gestalt and turning them against other truths. So progressivism is a humanism, accentuating the dignity of the person; it champions the social/political underdog; it frees sexuality from shame/guilt to declare its inherent goodness; it accentuates the power of the intellect and science and especially all the wisdom unveiled by psychology and the social sciences. The Catholic Progressive self-identifies, not as an "ex" or lapsed Catholic, but as one who is more enlightened, contemporary, scientific, and compassionate.

Maryknoll

Maryknoll was particularly vulnerable to the corrosive toxins of post 1965 Progressivism, but first some history. We can contrast the original Maryknoll (1911-45) with the post-war society (1945-65). The founders (Fathers Price and Walsh, Bishops Ford and Walsh) shared a fierce Tridentine spirituality: Marian, sacramental, hierarchical and passionate to save souls from the world, flesh and the devil by baptism into the one true Church. By contrast, the Maryknoll that attracted our class in the early 1960s, at the time of the Council and before the Cultural Revolution, was a happy marriage of American cultural confidence and Catholic generosity. 

That second paradigm collapsed catastrophically, immediately after 1965, for several reasons:

1. Individualism. The Maryknoll ideal, much like that of the Jesuits, was of the solitary, heroic individual, courageously pursuing his mission in a foreign land. At that time, there was a famous TV cigarette commercial of the "Marlboro Man": strong, handsome male on a horse, in the American West, calmly smoking his Marlboro. The Maryknoller was the Marlboro Man! Catholicism in its most potent expressions is always fiercely communal: the monks and mendicants, the lay renewal movements (charismatic, Neocatechumenal, Communion and Liberation) and the new, conservative religious orders attracting our youth. Such thick communities...whether evangelical/charismatic or traditional...are resistant to hegemonic liberal individualism. Not so the Jesuits and the Maryknollers. 

2. Missiology. Vatican II stressed the positive, even salvific elements of other religions; it downplayed the negative, violent, even demonic aspects. It would have benefited, for example, from a dose of Rene Girard's anthropology of mimetic, sacred violence. This imbalance opened the Church to an anthropological relativism and universalism: all paths lead to God; avoid triumphalism at all costs; God's mercy brings pretty much everyone to heaven anyway. Our theology professor Fr. Fraizer explained that the paradigm of Church as sacrament had been replaced by sign. A sacrament we know is an efficacious sign of God's grace. The new model, drained of efficacy, sees God's grace already operative so the Church is there to illuminate that presence. The mission task is not to convert to Christ and his Church, but to somehow clarify and highlight grace already at work. This is a vague abstraction at best. It ignores sin, the demonic, the desperate need for conversion, the distinctive and incomparable Splendor of Jesus Christ. Is it likely a young person would give up marriage, children, career and comfort to be such a "sign?"

3. Colonialism.  The confident, virile, American, Catholic image of the missioner that attracted us to Maryknoll in 1965 was brutally attacked and deconstructed by the  anti-colonialism of the late 1960s left. Ivan Illich was the most fierce critic of the missionary effort in Latin America as cultural imperialism: assuming superiority, missioners imposed the Irish-American parish structure (Church, rectory, school, convent) as they propagated high technology and disparaged (if unintentionally) the rich, simple religiosity and traditions of native peoples. 

4. Leftwing Radicalism.  Working often with the very poor, Maryknollers saw, of course, the systemic social/political causes of marginalization and so many were drawn to activism, liberation theology, and soft Marxist ideologies to alleviate the suffering. Progressive policy here takes on a highly moralistic, even religious dimension.

5. Pragmatism. As a group, Maryknollers are men of action, doers of good deeds, "Marthas" rather han "Marys." Intelligent, few are metaphysicians; compassionate, few are deeply mystical; quiet, modest witnesses by their lives, they tend to be  mute in regard to evangelical proclamation. And so as a group they lacked the spiritual and intellectual resources to clearly see and combat the anti-Catholic ferocity of progressivism.

Maryknoll post-1965 is a loose association of generous, adventuresome, idiosyncratic, Catholic bachelors. They are a delightful, fascinating group: intelligent, energetic, enthusiastic, positive, gracious, confident. Mostly, they are men of compassion, of action and agency. Their piety is quiet, personal, humble. Their politics mostly leans left; their theology is not entirely orthodox. But they prefer action to argument and are not overly ideological. They are faithful to the Church and devoted to the Eucharist and probably (quietly) to our Blessed Mother. A small number lean to the conservative movements (pro-life, charismatic, Marian, etc.) but more favor liberation theology and liberal politics. They tend to be mavericks, eccentrics, risk takers, humorous, carefree, creative, full of life.

What of the future? For decades now there have been almost no vocations from the States. They are now recruiting from other countries. I myself am skeptical about this direction since their is no shared, communal spirituality welcoming them. 

Nevertheless, I cannot adequately express my admiration, delight and gratitude for the "silent generation" of Maryknollers who are now steadily passing to their reward.

Where are We Today: Glen Ellyn Class of 1969?

Four of us are today Maryknoller priests. They reflect the description above: delightful, entirely different personalities...gifted, generous, intelligent, energetic men of deep (if quiet) faith and exceptional moral character. Jim spent his adult life in Korea and communist China and is now working on the canonization causes of founders Fr. Price and Bishop James Anthony Walsh. John worked for decades in Africa, was leader of Maryknoll, and now teaches at Scranton University, in the local jail, and works at the United Nations as representative of Maryknoll. Scott became a doctor/surgeon, worked in care for AIDs patients in Africa and continues to serve in parish work in the USA. Larry gained a doctorate in spirituality, served Chinese religious studying in the USA and continues to do spiritual direction, retreat work and talks. At 77 they all have their boots on and continue to prod their distinctive paths. We esteem and love each of them.

A special, very special case: unchallenged leader of our class, John Harper, served in Maryknoll leadership for years before leaving to have a family and do amazing work with the homeless, addicted, and mentally ill...all rooted in a deep, fertile 12-step spirituality. An exceptional, fascinating, gifted, humble man! Typical of Maryknoll, a man of action...but at the same time, a quiet mystic.

Two of our classmates are permanent deacons. We all seem to enjoy happy marriages and family life. Perhaps half of us practice our Catholic faith (understood simply as participation in mass on Sunday.) Almost all lean left in theology and politics. Most have found a synthesis of our Catholic and progressive propensities. With the exception of a few of us, there is little connection with evangelical Christianity, the Latin Mass community, the theological legacy of John Paul and Benedict, or Culture War from the pro-life conservative side.

There is, then, a political/theological divide that coexists with a deep, intense mutuality in respect and affection. This divide is perhaps most strongly felt by the few of us who have moved strongly in the opposing conservative/progressive directions.  Ironically, the Harris/Trump debate happened on the Tuesday evening of our reunion. We exchanged views, calmly and respectfully. 

I cannot deny an underlying sadness: we were so close in those years; and now have gone in different, often contradictory directions. The liberal/Catholic synthesis of our childhood and youth did not endure: many of us have gone progressive, a few of us strong Catholic. My own grief is not for my friends; they benefit from their roots in wholesome, if imperfect, midcentury American Catholicism. It is for their children and grandchildren, detached from the sacramental economy, the Mystical Body of Church, and vulnerable in a society gone lonely, rootless, techno-manic, materialistic, and Godless. The impulse to share our faith that brought us together in 1965 burns more intensely today in me; especially in regard to our young. 

As a group, however, we resemble Maryknoll itself. We deeply share Catholic roots and memories; and above all the impetus to do good and serve the suffering. We are different personalities; and have developed a variety of theologies, spiritualities and politics. We enjoyed (in my view), almost 60 years ago, in that tumultuous era, a Catholic Camelot of our own. We share an esteem, delight and affection for each other. In distinct ways, we continue to ride together the currents of Joy, gratitude and generosity that brought us together 59 years ago.

 

 




 

Wednesday, September 4, 2024

A Catholic View of the Democrat/Republican Divide Post-1970

 Age of Trump  Sagely, my oldest granddaughter Brigid observed a few years ago that the only political world she had known is that dominated by Trump. She realized this is not a blessing. He has been at once a symptom of, an aggravation of, and a reaction against the pathologies of our time. In this essay we will ignore this person to consider the political terrain independent of him.

Protestant Background.  The USA has always been, and remains in many ways, a Protestant Christian Nation. The Protestant Reformation (along with the Enlightenment, Freemasonry, etc.) informs the entire social network of our nation in its: idolatry of the Individual in solitary intimacy with Christ and rejection of ecclesial authority, sacramentality of marriage and orders, infallibility of the apostolic hierarchy, confession of sins, the religious life, devotion to Mary and the saints, This legacy and its long, complex historical trajectory has isolated the autonomous, rootless, lonely Self and inexorably destroyed bonds of filial loyalty, fidelity, obedience, authority, family and community at every level. The core social value becomes liberty as isolated individualism, freedom of choice and release from any bond or connection prior to choice. We see this in the economic liberalism of the Right and the sexual freedom of the Left. We see this trend intensified with increasing dependence on the mega-state and global corporations as intermediate, local institutions diminish and disappear. The war of "all against all" that results can only be mitigated by a controlling state; so that the individualism is countervailed by collectivism. The Catholic vision of the person intrinsically, interiorly connected (prior to choice) to family, God, community and the moral order is replaced by the absolute centrality and sovereignty of the Autonomous, Lonely Self,

Prehistory: 1945-65  The American into which I was born and raised was amazingly harmonious and uniform: economic prosperity, a pervasive Protestant/Catholic religious revival, relief at victory in war and the end of the Depression, unity in the Cold War and national confidence that verged on arrogance. There was no real Culture War; no dispute about abortion, gender, or sex. The contest between the two parties was mostly between capital and labor about how to share the expanding pie of economic affluence, This competition was not  a war, but more like a congenial picnic volleyball game. This exuberant period culminated with the triumph of the Civil Rights Movements which elicited the support of all major cultural institutions, excepting racism local to the South.

Cultural Revolution Post 1965  As we boomers entered adulthood, the American Camelot of our childhood/youth was destroyed by the eruption of the multifaceted Revolution: the pill, anti-establishment animus (especially the Vietnam War), rejection of tradition and authority, sterilization and liberation of sex, deconstruction of gender, scientific arrogance, rampant consumerism, the demise of religion, corruption of the family, and triumph of the therapeutic. Politically, the Democratic Party became the vehicle for this revolution; while moral conservatives found shelter with the Republicans. It has been observed that if this revolution were prophesized in 1960, most would assume that the party of change would be the affluent, indulged, selfish, individualistic, powerful Republicans. History is indeed surprising! 

Let us consider six major, and then some minor divides between the parties in our age.

1. Abortion is unquestionably the most defining, substantial difference. This is a binary opposition of absolutes: the reproductive right of the woman and the life of the embryo. There really is no coherent compromise here: the contradiction is unconditional. The rights mutually annihilate each other. Perhaps 60 % or more Americans favor some pragmatic compromise: exceptions, a moderate but random period of time, etc. This is what is happening of course and will prevail in most states. But morally, conceptually this makes no sense: why may a woman kill the fetus at one day less than (say) three months but not one day after? In both cases, the abortion is either a killing of a human or a morally acceptable option: the nature of the act cannot change on that particular calendar date. We see now in the hysteria and passion of the progressive reaction to Dobbs that for them reproductive is an absolute and sacred right, a matter of "life or death."

2. Sterilization of sexuality  is the deeper divide and the actual root cause of the addiction to abortion. The development of contraception was the most revolutionary technological event in human history: it redefined sexuality, gender, family, the nature of the person and the value of (incompetent, defenseless) human life. The integrity, harmony and profundity of God's design for sex, gender, marriage, family, fruitfulness, chastity, and fidelity is replaced by engineered sterility, contraception/cohabitation, pornography/masturbation, abortion-as-backup-contraception, homosexuality and transgenderism. The Democratic Party became "transubstantiated" immediately, in the early 1970s, as it became...interiorly, formally, structurally, substantially, systemically...the party of sexual decadence. This is the "Invasion of the Body Snatchers":  looks like the same party, but it has a different heart and soul. Pro-lifers (Casey, Shriver, Flynn) were purged while the  Kennedys-Cuomos-Bidens-Pelosis fervently embraced the new Progressive Religion and betrayed their Catholic legacy. About 50% of Catholics remain indifferent, in denial, or addicted to antiquated tribal loyalties. The Republican Party, a coalition of often contradictory forces (libertarian, neo-liberal economics, the moneyed class) welcomed cultural conservatives.

3. Religious Faith vs. Secularism.  To be sure, many Democrats have faith and many Republicans lack it. But on the institutional, systemic level, the DNC became the vehicle of Progressivism as hostile to religious faith, tradition, and authority. Religion is privatized and deferential to the the alleged infallibility of science, sexual liberation, the inexorable "arc of history," and identity politics. 

 4. Government: Big or Small?  Progressives look trustingly to the expansive, centralized State to countervail the rich/powerful, to lift up the underprivileged, and to ensure the common good. In this narrative, the villain is the rich, powerful, arrogant, selfish Republican and his corporate wealth. By contrast, the Republican is suspicious of big government as tyrannical, inefficient, repressive of entrepreneurial energy and eventually of freedoms of religion, speech and others. The one side wants to expand government with messianic hopes; the other seeks to shrink it with suspicions of the diabolical.

5. Class Divide. In the age of Trump, we see the culmination of a gradual political inversion: the Democratic Party, formerly defender of the underdog against the wealthy, has become the province of the affluent, educated, sexually liberated elites. Trump channels the rage of the underclass, of poor and broken families, of the less-schooled, of the traditionally religious. With the emergence of J.D. Vance and his partners we see the promise of a Catholic friendly populism that weds the economics of the postwar labor movement and the cultural conservatism after 1970.

6. Masculine and Feminine.  Men, especially those of the underclass, are strongly drawn to the masculine image of Trump and his party: angry, aggressive, decisive, indignant at being victims, macho in style and image.  Women more often favor the party of reproductive rights, defensive in a feminism of private, individual rights untethered by bonds of family, marriage, maternity.

The above are the more profound, defining differences. What follows are important but less essential.

7. Global Warming.  

Why is this reality, which is of great concern to our youth, so important to the Left but not the Right? 

First, the former is more secular, less aware of the supernatural, and therefore more urgent about earthly affairs as there is no eternity in the future. Progressive spirituality tends to an immanentism that finds the true-good-beautiful in the natural realm without reference to the Transcendent. There is a feminist sense of Mother Earth void of a Creator Father. 

Second, the diminishment of paternal religion and wholesome virility leaves a fragile feminism, vulnerable to hysteria and desperate for a a controlling, mother state. On the other side, a confident, aggressive machismo on the Right tends to instrumentalize and disenchant Creation.

 Thirdly, the Left trusts the expansive State and looks to it for protection. By contrast, the Right distrusts the State and leans into its own libertarian individualism and exaltation of the competent agency of the isolated Self.

8. Gun Control.  This issue pits a rural, individualistic traditionalism against an urban collectivism that trusts the State (including the police) for protection from violence. It is in part the big/small government debate; but also a question of lifestyle enjoyments.

9. Law and Order.  Since perhaps the 1968 riots in Chicago, the Left has advocated a freedom from authority and law and a resentment of the masculine posture of tradition, police and the rule of law. The hippy movement is long gone, but we now have open borders and "defund the police." On this issue the Right favors vigorous government, in a role of protection and authority, while the Left is suspicious of the masculine imagery. The male/female binary is prominent here. The Right sees the state in the masculine role of protection as in the police and military; the Left wants to diminish the need for force and develop a nurturing, maternal state.

10. International Relations.  In the post-War era, there was largely bi-partisan consensus regarding the Soviet Union: the policy positions of Nixon and Kennedy were very close. More recently, Progressives favor a soft internationalism: confidence in a global order of free trade and democracy, reliance on alliances (NATO, UN), credulity in negotiating with opponents. So, we have seen that Obama/Biden are eager to appease Iran, compromise with China, and call for a cease fire in Gaza. At the core is a mild pacifism that trusts that force can be avoided by the power of reason and good will. This is a striking naivite and optimism and rejection of Realpolitik. Our assistance to Ukraine has been forceful and multilateral but arguably too little too late to ensure that they prevail.  

On the Right we find two contradictory trends: the predominant one is a vigorous internationalism (neoconservative?) that insists that only a muscular Americanism can deter evil actors. The secondary trend is isolationism, a retreat from our role as global power to attend to our own concerns. (Vance).  Strangely, Trump represents both these contraries: he makes America first and disparages adventurism overseas even as he instinctively projects power and force. There is no coherence here. But it cannot be denied that he presided over a world at peace: pure luck?

Catholic Values.  In light of our faith, both parties have pros and cons; but there is no moral equivalence. Since 1970, the DNC is deeply and viciously anti-Catholic in its essential structure or form: abortion, sterilized sexuality, secularism and privatization of religion. The big government it advocates would, obviously, advance these values and repress Catholic practice. It is the religion of a cosmopolitan, secular elite that despises populist religious practices and beliefs. It is a decadent feminism, individualistic, resentful of the paternal and the maternal, and all the natural/spiritual bonds that infuse chaste, Marian Catholicism.

Can a Catholic Vote Democratic?  Possible, but unlikely.

It is like a Jew voting for the Nazi party. We might imagine a mayoral race in Germany in 1932 between two Nazis: one a competent, otherwise decent individual; the other a vicious racist. In that case a Jew would choose the lessor evil of the two.  On issues like climate, guns, taxes, immigration, health care and others Catholics of good will and intelligence may well differ in prudential judgment. 

There is about the Democratic Party in 2024 a striking simplicity: absolute demand for abortion on demand, desecration of sex and gender, aversion to the paternal and maternal, privatization of religion, inflation of the Marxist oppressor paradigm for identity politics, science as religion, cosmopolitanism, and a foreign policy of appeasement that mimics Chamberlain at Munich. 

By contrast, the Republican Party today is a mixed bag: crude Trumpian populism, traditional neo-liberalism, libertarianism, moral traditionalism, wall street and main street, isolationism and neoconservatism. There is much here for the Catholic to fight for and against.